There must be something wrong with whoever wrote the article. They didn't include the most corrupt member of congress who:
Wrote at least four letters on behalf of Indian tribes represented by Jack Abramoff and worked with Abromoff's team about legislation, hired one of the law makers aids as a lobbyist and accepted $68,000 in political donations from Abramoff before blaming Republicans solely for the Abramoff scandal while trying to distance himself from Abramoff and saying "Don't lump me in with Jack Abramoff. This is a Republican Scandal. Don't try to give any of it to me."
From 2002 to 2005 violated Federal Election Law by Using $3000 in Campaign funds for Christmas bonuses for the staff at the luxury condo. where he lives. When confronted in 2006 by the AP's John Solomon he claimed it was a clerical error (that no one caught for four years) and that it was all just a Republican smear campaign.
The Coyote Springs Land Deal, contained land intended for target practice for a defense contractor, part of it was habitat for the endangered desert tortoise, part of it was for a power line right of way and much of the property contained a fragile system of streams that were important to the local ecosystem. Donations were funneled to the lawmaker's campaign fund as well as those of his sons through Chinagate fundraiser: John Huang. In return the lawmaker cleared the obstacles to developing the land by inserting language into a land management bill that moved the power line corridor, he persuaded the BLUM to swap the tortoise land for other land and then he persuades the EPA to drop opposition the the development of the land on the grounds that development would impact the ecosystem for the better. He influenced this project while serving as a member of the Senate Appropriations Committee. Over the years the developer has poured tens of thousands of dollars into the campaigns fund of the lawmaker and his political party colleagues.
The lawmaker collected $1.1 million in 2006 on property, that according to congressional disclosures, he didn't own in a deal with Jay Brown (known to have ties to organized crime). The details of the deal surfaced in a major political bribery trial. The lawmaker didn't bother to disclose the 2001 sale of the land on his annual ethics report ( for a five year period) or inform Congress that he held a stake in Brown's company.
The Del Webb Land Swap. The lawmaker used his influence to help Del Webb acquire some 4,700 acres of prime land through a Federal program that swaps federal land for private land that is supposed to be environmentally sensitive. The land offered by Del Webb in the swap was inferior land and no where near close to the value of the land the company wanted, so the taxpayers would be taking a loss on the swap. The BLM opposed the swap, but the lawmaker used his influence to put the deal through: after Del Webb hired a former aide of the lawmaker and donated some $68,000 to the lawmakers campaign. After two letters to the Dept. of the Interior and some other pressure on government agencies the swap for the environmentally sensitive land was turned over to Dell Webb at which time a government employee said he felt "pressured" by the lawmaker to clear the way for the swap. The lawmaker claims he did nothing unusual.
In 2005 the lawmaker sponsored an $18 million earmark to build a bridge over a river that neither state bordering the river said was critical for transportation routes. Just a few miles from the bridge the law maker owns 160 acres of land that went from a value of about $25,000 to $500,000 to between $1 and $5 million in 2010. How the lawmaker acquired the land is interesting. He "invested $10,000 into a pension fund controlled by his friend Clair Haycock, to take over 60 of the 160 acres at a price far below it's assessed value. Six months later the law maker introduced legislation to help Haycock Oil and the oil industry, in what observers called quid pro quo. Both parties denied the legislation was a result of the land deal.
When asked how he became so rich after growing up poor, working as a night guard to put himself through college and then a lifetime of working in government jobs, the lawmaker replied: "I did a very good job investing." Like the deal he made on Dec. 20, 2005 to invest $50,000 - $100,000 in Energy Sector Fund IYE, which closed at 29.15 on that day. The company held shares in ConocoPhillips, ChevronTexaco and ExxonMobil. When he made a partial sale of his shares on August 19, 2008, during the congressional recess, IYE closed at 41.82 A month later the law maker on Sept. 17, the lawmaker announced he would bring a bill to the floor that would cost the oil companies billions of dollars. the bill passed and a few days latter, October 10, IYE's shares dropped by 42% to $24.41.
The lawmaker accepted donations from Chinagate fundraiser: John Huang. The lawmaker then pushed for the Senate confirmation of Judge Richard Paez. Clinton's nomination to the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals six months earlier was a massive conflict of interest. In June 1999, Huang's case was assigned to, then U.S. District Judge Richard Paez who violated DOJ sentencing guidelines that required Huang to serve jail time, and instead let Huang off with a $10,000 fine, 500 hours of community service and one year probation. Mrs. Paez, a Mormon asked the Mormon Senator to reach out to other Mormon Senators to help her husband.
That's just the tip of the iceberg.
With so much corruption, disregard for the environment, government earmarks and businesses deals that steal from the taxpayer one would expect the lawmaker to be one of those evil republicans, but you would be wrong.